The precarious case of conservative political identity in civic life and culture wars | Luke Doherty
We live in an age where the range of possible identities is an endless list of options that are informed by religious conviction; social class; skin colour; or sexual orientation. We appear obsessed with defining people according to these personal characteristics, whilst failing to consider their strength of character or moral resolve. Our culture is saturated by debate over identity– and how one self-identifies is taking on greater importance in the public sphere.
This reality leads to an interesting question: where do we assume our political identity? Our political identity is usually fickle for a time, but it is fundamental to who we are as human beings cooperating with one another in society. Aristotle understood this; once telling us that man is by nature a political animal. Obviously, certain sociological dynamics play a key role. Confirming to us that one’s politics is usually cultivated in the home, immediate community, and influenced by close relatives. There is, furthermore, anecdotal evidence that suggests exposure to radical propaganda at university can alter one’s world view– at least until employed and paying tax. These factors all contribute to our political inclinations and sense of identity, and to some extent are subject to change.
Political identities can often change and develop over time, particularly as an individual grows older and experiences more of the world; and as principles on fundamental moral and socio-economic issues are thought about and worked out. It is important for adult citizens to have a reasonably discernable and coherent pattern of ideas on a plethora of issues that transcend party politics– such as on the role and function of the state; the economy; home security; and foreign affairs. These ideas become the stars that guide our ship.
Yet for some people, having these worked-out principles are unimportant. With ever increasing distractions, simplicity and shallowness, they are disinterested in organically working out what they truly and instinctively believe, and instead prefer to rely on external bodies to fill in the gaps. The comments box on an obscure online publication or Instagram post has become the upper limit of intellectual exposure. This has led to a serious lack of independent and critical thinking, particularly among the youth, about how individuals see themselves and how they see the world.
The effects are damming. Society has already fallen victim to such phenomena. We are seeing swathes of individuals who have been manipulated by party machines and social media giants and their leftist soft propaganda, with young people ending up politically displaced and desperately requiring political reassignment.
To understand more clearly the instinctive and innate factors that contribute to our political identity, it is absolutely necessary, however, to transcend a superficial understanding of political identity as being exclusively rooted in a political party. Whilst we can subscribe to partisan policies and support a specific direction of travel; and be a loyal and committed acolyte to a charismatic leader, there are more profound factors that contribute to one’s political identity than the mere product of pragmatism and lack of ideological commitment. This is especially true for the conservative. Conservatism is more than just a particular economic disposition, it is an instinct deep within an individual who, recognizing that what we have collectively received is good, wishes to conserve it and defend it from harm or desecration.
Eminent philosopher Roger Scruton has argued that the conservative shares “the sentiment that good things are easily destroyed, but not easily created” and that “the work of destruction is quick, easy and exhilarating; the work of creation slow, laborious and dull.” This explanation of the conservative instinct could be readily applied to many ordinary British citizens.
The innate desire not to destroy those valuable things which have been passed down, and to which one becomes attached, is shared by a large number of ordinary people in one way or another. Though this is a conservative instinct, those that behave in this way might not self-identify as conservative because of negative connotations to the Conservative Party. It is important to make the distinction between intuitive cultural conservatism, and popular culture’s caricature of what it means to be Tory. Mrs. Thatcher and her administration still has a bitter legacy in parts of Britain.
Nevertheless, vast numbers of these individuals are proud British patriots: people who wish to protect their cultural heritage, and who realize that “the human individual is an artefact, brought into being by the customs and institutions of society.” For Scruton, conservatism is a “whole way of being.” Indeed, conservatism is a political outlook that can often surpass and exceed the rigid confines of an election manifesto or party conference speech. It is an attitude that permeates deeply, often affecting the way the individual lives his life at every level. Once we accept this, we can see with greater clarity how a conservative political identity can be applied to a greater number of people. This is crucial in the war against culture.
The culture wars have helped to illuminate the fact that we do not know what we have until it's gone. Many of the things we value most in society are rapidly slipping and are being destroyed by militant leftists and woke liberals. They have already hijacked our public institutions, and seek to dismantle them in the name of progress and reform. That cornerstone of civic life, freedom of speech, is being replaced by an ugly woke orthodoxy, with devastating consequences for those that deviate and attempt to defend and uphold the truth.
The hysteria over biological sex and trans rights demonstrates this perfectly. There are important questions as to whether the sphere of culture is a concern for the government. There is the view that all politics can do is enlarge the space in which civil society can flourish. But if we conservatives were to accept this reductive doctrine as integral to our political identity, then we should not be surprised by the failure of our leaders to deal with the problematic battles conservatives have to face in the public square.
We should subsequently look upon “cancel culture” as an inevitable symptom of narrow liberal pluralism and intolerance that fills the void of a conservatism that has ceded all ground on society and culture. This rather pernicious issue presents a unique problem however, as it threatens the whole aforementioned order. Here, all of our political identities should be irrelevant because we are all equally susceptible to being de-platformed and silenced.
The political identity of free individuals usually finds its origins in the family home, and is primarily influenced by circumstance, education, and significant others. The exposure to new and different ideas at university can have a significant role in shaping the political identity of the politically-unaware, and those who are most susceptible to radical ideology. Though, simultaneously, it is often the harsh reality of the working world and tax system that begins to separate the wheat from the chaff– and mold political identities into a solid form. For some people, their experience of ‘real life’ is concurrent with their partially intellectual working out of political principles.
For these younger adults, serious and mature opinions and beliefs soon begin to form into a pattern of ideas– and they inform life choices and major decisions. Yet this important step in self-independence is being ignored by a growing number of young people. Political identities are no longer being formulated through personal experience and serious thought, they are being imposed by politically-charged media outlets and party machines. Unfortunately, this has been extremely effective. The Left are now convinced they have a monopoly on young people, the economically disadvantaged and minority communities.
It is only until we recognize that political identity transcends party politics that we realize many more people might share our values and beliefs– that in turn are inherently conservative. This is significant for those conservatives who are concerned by or engaged in the culture wars. Not only does it suggest that ordinary people might be sympathetic to conservatism once the case is made to them, but it furthers the idea that conservatism is in tune with the deepest instincts of the British people. Our mantra marching forward must be “It is better to be a blatant conservative than it is latent one!”
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